Sunday, February 27, 2011
Robert Walser - Microscript p.49
So here was a book again, and again I was introduced to a woman. I've acquired quite a few female acquaintances by reading, a pleasant method for expanding one's sphere of knowledge, though one can certainly, I admit, become lazy in this way. On the other hand, characters in books stand out better, I mean, more silhouettishly from one another, than do living figures, who, as they are alive and move about, tend to lack delineation.
Tuesday, February 22, 2011
BRUNO BOSTEELS - In the Shadow of Mao: Ricardo Piglia’s ‘Homenaje a
p.244
Maoism’s first innovation in respect of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy consists in having recognized the existence of internal contradictions in a socialist country even after the initial revolutionary period, and in having responded to this unexpected fact by proposing original tactics and strategies, in particular the famous mass line, the self-critique of the party as form, and the idea of intellectual re-education.
Maoism’s first innovation in respect of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy consists in having recognized the existence of internal contradictions in a socialist country even after the initial revolutionary period, and in having responded to this unexpected fact by proposing original tactics and strategies, in particular the famous mass line, the self-critique of the party as form, and the idea of intellectual re-education.
Battles in the Desert and Other Stories - Jose Emilio Pacheco
pp.32-33
I don't understand myself. The other day, I felt great compassion while I watched the cook killing the animals, and today I had great fun stepping on crabs at the beach. Not the big ones that live in the rocks; the little grey sand crabs. They would run around madly looking for their holes and I would crush them furiously and just for the fun of it. Then I thought that in some ways was are all like crabs and when we least expect it, someone or something comes along and crushes us.
p. 69
Pedro parked the car in front of the walls of the convent hidden in the mountain's desolation. They asked if you wanted to get out, and the three of you walked through deserted corridors, hallways full of echoes without memory.
I don't understand myself. The other day, I felt great compassion while I watched the cook killing the animals, and today I had great fun stepping on crabs at the beach. Not the big ones that live in the rocks; the little grey sand crabs. They would run around madly looking for their holes and I would crush them furiously and just for the fun of it. Then I thought that in some ways was are all like crabs and when we least expect it, someone or something comes along and crushes us.
p. 69
Pedro parked the car in front of the walls of the convent hidden in the mountain's desolation. They asked if you wanted to get out, and the three of you walked through deserted corridors, hallways full of echoes without memory.
Tuesday, February 15, 2011
Monday, February 14, 2011
Roland Barthes, 'The Image' in The Rustle of Language, p.356
'I Crave, I long for Abstinence from Images, for every Image is bad' - Roland Barthes, 'The Image' in The Rustle of Language, p.356
Wednesday, February 2, 2011
Roland Barthes Interview (bio) from The Tel Quel Reader
p.256 - Mythologies not political but ideological, targeting the petite-bourgeoisie
p.262-63 - position as tourist diminishes the emphasis on the Japanese petty bourgeoisie,
and 'on writing' in relation to Zero degree
p.267 - on the work as awaiting and a preparation for 'socialist practice'?
In your article on Julia Kristeva's Semeiotike ('The Stranger', 19070) you write that in a society deprived of socialist practice, thus condemned to "discourse", theoretical discourse is temporarily necessary'. Do you mean to say that your work is an awaiting and a preparation for 'socialist practice'
Your question runs the risk in my opinion of reducing the plural of the subject in representing is as tending towards something unique and full; your question denies the unconscious. I accept it, however, and I will answer this: if it is absolutely necessary, to live and to work, to have a representation of an end (which is sometimes curiously called a Cause), I would just remind you of the tasks that Brecht suggests for the intellectual in a non-revolutionary period: liquidate and theorize. These tasks are always coupled together by Brecht: our discourse can represent nothing, prefigure nothing; we only have a negative activity at our disposition (Brecht called it critical, or even epic, that is, interruptive [entre-coupee], interrupting [qui coupe] history), at the end of which shines only, like a distant glimmer, intermittent and uncertain (barbarism is always a possibility), the ultimate transparency of social relations.
p.262-63 - position as tourist diminishes the emphasis on the Japanese petty bourgeoisie,
and 'on writing' in relation to Zero degree
p.267 - on the work as awaiting and a preparation for 'socialist practice'?
In your article on Julia Kristeva's Semeiotike ('The Stranger', 19070) you write that in a society deprived of socialist practice, thus condemned to "discourse", theoretical discourse is temporarily necessary'. Do you mean to say that your work is an awaiting and a preparation for 'socialist practice'
Your question runs the risk in my opinion of reducing the plural of the subject in representing is as tending towards something unique and full; your question denies the unconscious. I accept it, however, and I will answer this: if it is absolutely necessary, to live and to work, to have a representation of an end (which is sometimes curiously called a Cause), I would just remind you of the tasks that Brecht suggests for the intellectual in a non-revolutionary period: liquidate and theorize. These tasks are always coupled together by Brecht: our discourse can represent nothing, prefigure nothing; we only have a negative activity at our disposition (Brecht called it critical, or even epic, that is, interruptive [entre-coupee], interrupting [qui coupe] history), at the end of which shines only, like a distant glimmer, intermittent and uncertain (barbarism is always a possibility), the ultimate transparency of social relations.
Notes: Gregory Elliot ‘Althusser: The Detour of Theory’
P.58 (pdf 82) - 8 Sep 2010
Marxist philosophy was dialectical materialism, the science of the laws of nature and thought. Applied to society, it became historical materialism, the science of the laws of social development.
Two adjustments were made: the negation of the negation was restored to the corpus of dialectical materialism; the Asiatic mode of production to that of historical materialism.
P.66 (pdf 91)
According to this historicism, just as scientific socialism was the theoretical expression of a class subject, so the natural sciences were bourgeois ideology –bourgeois sciences which would be abolished together with the capitalist mode of production. Contrariwise, as the theoretical expression of the ‘universal’ class of capitalist society – the proletariat – Marxism could attain to a genuine understanding of the social totality, which, according to these philosophies of praxis, was the creation and expression of humanity (of whose alienation and disalienation history was the unfolding drama). Thus, for Lukács, Marxism was the self-consciousness of the proletariat, itself the subject-object of history which would redeem all humanity in the act of emancipating itself. And ‘orthodoxy’ ‘refer[red] exclusively to method’ – the dialectical method inherited from Hegel and now restricted, contra Engels, to ‘the realms of history and society’. A ‘proletarian science’, historical materialism ‘completed the programme of Hegel’s philosophy of history, even though at the cost of the destruction of his system’.
P. 154 (pdf 179) 11 Sep Lacanian Real – Reality
The target of Althusser’s theory of ideology was the supposed messianism involved in the postulate of a disalienation with the advent of communism, a society whose deepest ‘laws of motion’ would be transparent to the consciousness of its members in an ‘end of ideology’. For Althusser, this was a chimera. He impugned any theory of ideology as ‘false consciousness’ as itself ideological, on two grounds. First, it implied the possibility of a true consciousness, whereas, epistemologically, consciousness was non-veridical by definition. Secondly, it circumscribed the social space and underestimated the objective power of ideology. For Althusser, ideology is an ‘objective reality . . . independent of the subjectivity of the individuals who are subject to it’, a system of representations dominated by a ‘false conception of the world’. Men are ‘ideological animals’. They need representations of the world and their relations to it in order to function as social agents. Ideology provides the requisite representation (which can be more or less conscious/unconscious, untheorised/theorised). Analytically a relative autonomous superstructural level of society, in reality ideology is a ‘cement . . . sliding into all the parts of the [social] edifice’. It ‘permeates’ all human activities and practices, governing the ‘lived’ relations of individuals to the ensemble of their ‘conditions of existence’. Indeed, ‘[i]deology is so much present in all their acts and deeds that it is indistinguishable from their “lived “experience”’.
P.160 (pdf 185)
the path which was opened up to men by the great revolutionary thinkers, theoreticians and politicians, the great materialist thinkers who understood that the freedom of men is not achieved by the complacency of its ideological recognition, but by knowledge of the laws of their slavery, and that the ‘realization’ of their concrete individuality is achieved by the analysis and mastery of the abstract relations which govern them – Althusser , ‘Cremonini, Painter of the Abstract’ (1966)
P.169 (pdf 194) 15 Sep
…at his ‘trial’ on 30 November 1963, Althusser finessed his critics by adopting the tactic of distinguishing between the ‘theoretical value’ of Mao’s concepts in On Contradiction and their utilisation by the CPC in the current conjuncture to sanction false political positions. His accusers, he retorted, were guilty of a ‘theoretical pragmatism’ inverse but akin to that of the Chinese, impugning genuine theory as a result of its conjunctural exploitation. Althusser upheld the authentically Marxist nature of Mao’s theses on contradiction, but abjured their deformation at the CPC’s hands, affirming the correctness of the PCF’s own international line.5 This did the trick – for the time being at least.
P.175 (pdf 200) Althusser (unsigned) – ‘Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution’ (1966)
Is it impossible for it to regress to
capitalism?
Do we not already possess an example of this phenomenon: Yugoslavia?
Can a socialist country, then, not retain – even for a considerable period of time – the, or at least some, external forms of socialism (economic, political), whilst imparting to them a quite different economic, political, and ideological content (the mechanism of capitalist restoration), and allowing itself to be progressively neutralised and utilised politically, then dominated economically,
by imperialism?
P.190 (pdf 215)
If philosophy is the class struggle in theory, then for a Marxist philosopher to philosophise is to fight the good fight; philosophy, to borrow the title of Althusser’s interview, is a revolutionary weapon. Marxist philosophers may no longer be quite the illuminati they once were. But they can now flatter themselves that their desks have been turned into barricades (Brecht), the seminar room into a place d’armes.
P.198 (pdf 222) 16 Sep
The new orthodoxy, presented as the epitome of Marxist-Leninist rectitude, was set out at greatest length in the short Reply to John Lewis, via a juxtaposition of the respective theses of Lewis and his critic. To Lewis’s proposition that ‘it is man who makes history’, Althusser counterposes the dictum: ‘It is the masses who make history.’ Against the British Communist’s notion that ‘Man makes history by “transcending” history’ is set the scientific precept: ‘The class struggle is the motor of history.’
P.199 (pdf 223)
‘The class struggle does not go in the air, or on something like a football pitch. It is rooted in the mode of production and exploitation in a given class society. You therefore have to consider the material basis of the class struggle, that is, the material existence of the class struggle. This, in the last instance, is the unity of the relations of production and the productive forces under the relations of production in a given mode of production, in a concrete historical social formation. This materiality, in the last instance, is at the same time the ‘base’ . . . of the class struggle, and its material existence; because exploitation takes place in production, and it is exploitation which
is at the root of the antagonism between classes and the class struggle . . . all the forms of the class struggle are rooted in economic class struggle. It is on this condition that the revolutionary thesis of the primacy of the class struggle is a materialist one. When that is clear, the question of the ‘subject’ of history disappears. History is an immense natural-human system in movement, and the motor of history is class struggle. History is a process, and a process without a subject.’
- Althusser
P.231 (pdf 256) 18 Sep
‘If we look back over our whole history of the last forty years or more, it seems to me that . . . the only historically existing (left) ‘critique’ of the fundamentals of the ‘Stalinian deviation’ to be found . . . is a concrete critique, one which exists in the facts, in the struggle, in the line, in the practices, their principles and their forms, of the Chinese Revolution. A silent critique, which speaks through its actions, the result of the political and ideological struggles of the Revolution, from the Long March to the Cultural Revolution and its results. A critique from afar. A critique from ‘behind the scenes’. To be looked at more closely, to be interpreted. A contradictory critique, moreover – if only because of the disproportion between acts and texts. Whatever you like: but a critique from which one can learn, which can help us to test our hypotheses, that is, help us to see our own history more clearly. . . .’ – Althusser, 1976
Marxist philosophy was dialectical materialism, the science of the laws of nature and thought. Applied to society, it became historical materialism, the science of the laws of social development.
Two adjustments were made: the negation of the negation was restored to the corpus of dialectical materialism; the Asiatic mode of production to that of historical materialism.
P.66 (pdf 91)
According to this historicism, just as scientific socialism was the theoretical expression of a class subject, so the natural sciences were bourgeois ideology –bourgeois sciences which would be abolished together with the capitalist mode of production. Contrariwise, as the theoretical expression of the ‘universal’ class of capitalist society – the proletariat – Marxism could attain to a genuine understanding of the social totality, which, according to these philosophies of praxis, was the creation and expression of humanity (of whose alienation and disalienation history was the unfolding drama). Thus, for Lukács, Marxism was the self-consciousness of the proletariat, itself the subject-object of history which would redeem all humanity in the act of emancipating itself. And ‘orthodoxy’ ‘refer[red] exclusively to method’ – the dialectical method inherited from Hegel and now restricted, contra Engels, to ‘the realms of history and society’. A ‘proletarian science’, historical materialism ‘completed the programme of Hegel’s philosophy of history, even though at the cost of the destruction of his system’.
P. 154 (pdf 179) 11 Sep Lacanian Real – Reality
The target of Althusser’s theory of ideology was the supposed messianism involved in the postulate of a disalienation with the advent of communism, a society whose deepest ‘laws of motion’ would be transparent to the consciousness of its members in an ‘end of ideology’. For Althusser, this was a chimera. He impugned any theory of ideology as ‘false consciousness’ as itself ideological, on two grounds. First, it implied the possibility of a true consciousness, whereas, epistemologically, consciousness was non-veridical by definition. Secondly, it circumscribed the social space and underestimated the objective power of ideology. For Althusser, ideology is an ‘objective reality . . . independent of the subjectivity of the individuals who are subject to it’, a system of representations dominated by a ‘false conception of the world’. Men are ‘ideological animals’. They need representations of the world and their relations to it in order to function as social agents. Ideology provides the requisite representation (which can be more or less conscious/unconscious, untheorised/theorised). Analytically a relative autonomous superstructural level of society, in reality ideology is a ‘cement . . . sliding into all the parts of the [social] edifice’. It ‘permeates’ all human activities and practices, governing the ‘lived’ relations of individuals to the ensemble of their ‘conditions of existence’. Indeed, ‘[i]deology is so much present in all their acts and deeds that it is indistinguishable from their “lived “experience”’.
P.160 (pdf 185)
the path which was opened up to men by the great revolutionary thinkers, theoreticians and politicians, the great materialist thinkers who understood that the freedom of men is not achieved by the complacency of its ideological recognition, but by knowledge of the laws of their slavery, and that the ‘realization’ of their concrete individuality is achieved by the analysis and mastery of the abstract relations which govern them – Althusser , ‘Cremonini, Painter of the Abstract’ (1966)
P.169 (pdf 194) 15 Sep
…at his ‘trial’ on 30 November 1963, Althusser finessed his critics by adopting the tactic of distinguishing between the ‘theoretical value’ of Mao’s concepts in On Contradiction and their utilisation by the CPC in the current conjuncture to sanction false political positions. His accusers, he retorted, were guilty of a ‘theoretical pragmatism’ inverse but akin to that of the Chinese, impugning genuine theory as a result of its conjunctural exploitation. Althusser upheld the authentically Marxist nature of Mao’s theses on contradiction, but abjured their deformation at the CPC’s hands, affirming the correctness of the PCF’s own international line.5 This did the trick – for the time being at least.
P.175 (pdf 200) Althusser (unsigned) – ‘Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution’ (1966)
Is it impossible for it to regress to
capitalism?
Do we not already possess an example of this phenomenon: Yugoslavia?
Can a socialist country, then, not retain – even for a considerable period of time – the, or at least some, external forms of socialism (economic, political), whilst imparting to them a quite different economic, political, and ideological content (the mechanism of capitalist restoration), and allowing itself to be progressively neutralised and utilised politically, then dominated economically,
by imperialism?
P.190 (pdf 215)
If philosophy is the class struggle in theory, then for a Marxist philosopher to philosophise is to fight the good fight; philosophy, to borrow the title of Althusser’s interview, is a revolutionary weapon. Marxist philosophers may no longer be quite the illuminati they once were. But they can now flatter themselves that their desks have been turned into barricades (Brecht), the seminar room into a place d’armes.
P.198 (pdf 222) 16 Sep
The new orthodoxy, presented as the epitome of Marxist-Leninist rectitude, was set out at greatest length in the short Reply to John Lewis, via a juxtaposition of the respective theses of Lewis and his critic. To Lewis’s proposition that ‘it is man who makes history’, Althusser counterposes the dictum: ‘It is the masses who make history.’ Against the British Communist’s notion that ‘Man makes history by “transcending” history’ is set the scientific precept: ‘The class struggle is the motor of history.’
P.199 (pdf 223)
‘The class struggle does not go in the air, or on something like a football pitch. It is rooted in the mode of production and exploitation in a given class society. You therefore have to consider the material basis of the class struggle, that is, the material existence of the class struggle. This, in the last instance, is the unity of the relations of production and the productive forces under the relations of production in a given mode of production, in a concrete historical social formation. This materiality, in the last instance, is at the same time the ‘base’ . . . of the class struggle, and its material existence; because exploitation takes place in production, and it is exploitation which
is at the root of the antagonism between classes and the class struggle . . . all the forms of the class struggle are rooted in economic class struggle. It is on this condition that the revolutionary thesis of the primacy of the class struggle is a materialist one. When that is clear, the question of the ‘subject’ of history disappears. History is an immense natural-human system in movement, and the motor of history is class struggle. History is a process, and a process without a subject.’
- Althusser
P.231 (pdf 256) 18 Sep
‘If we look back over our whole history of the last forty years or more, it seems to me that . . . the only historically existing (left) ‘critique’ of the fundamentals of the ‘Stalinian deviation’ to be found . . . is a concrete critique, one which exists in the facts, in the struggle, in the line, in the practices, their principles and their forms, of the Chinese Revolution. A silent critique, which speaks through its actions, the result of the political and ideological struggles of the Revolution, from the Long March to the Cultural Revolution and its results. A critique from afar. A critique from ‘behind the scenes’. To be looked at more closely, to be interpreted. A contradictory critique, moreover – if only because of the disproportion between acts and texts. Whatever you like: but a critique from which one can learn, which can help us to test our hypotheses, that is, help us to see our own history more clearly. . . .’ – Althusser, 1976
Tuesday, February 1, 2011
Notes: Zizek's On Violence
p.8 - joke: Marx wants wife, Engels wants mistress
Lenin wants both mistress or wife, lie to each other, to be alone, in solitude to learn, learn and learn!!
p.137 - on doing good and the rewards: 'in the course of Crusade King St. Louis, Yves le Breton reported how he once encountered an old woman who wandered down the street with a dish full of fire in her right hand and a bowl full of water in her left hand. Asked what she was doing, she answered that with the fire she would burn up Paradise until nothing remained of it, and with the water she would put out the fires of Hell until nothing remained of them,'Becuase I want no one to do good in order to receive the reward of Paradise, or fear of Hell; but solely out of love for God.' The only thing to add to this is: so why not erase God himself and just do good for the sake of it? No wonder that, today this properly Christian ethical stance survives mostly in
atheism.
p.143 - private reason, opposition between Kant and Rorty
'To put it in precise Kantain terms, when we reflect upon our ethnic roots, we engage in a private use of reason, constrained by contingent dogmatic presuppositions, that is, we act as "immature" individuals, not as free human beings who dwell in the dimension of universality of reason. The opposition between Kant and Richard Rorty with regard ti this distinction of public and private is rarely noted, but none the less crucial: they both sharply distinguish between the two domains, but in opposed ways. For Rorty, the great contemporary liberal... the private is the space of idiosyncrasies, where creativity and wild imagination rule and moral considerations are (almost) suspended, while the public is the space of social interaction, where we should obey the rules so that we do not hurt others... For Kant, however, the public space of 'world-civil-society' designates the paradox of the universal singularity, of a singular subject who, in a kind of short-circuit, by-passing the mediation of the particular, directly participates in the universal. This is what Kant, in the famous passage of his "What is Enlightenment?" means by "public" as opposed to "private." "Private" is not one's individual as opposed to communal ties, bu tthe very communal -institutional order of one's particulae identification; while "public" is the transnational universality of the exercise of one's reason.
p.152 - the rise of universality out of particular lifeworld:
'the key moment of any theoretical - and indeed ethical, political, and, as Badiou demonstrated, even aesthetic - struggle is the rise of universality out of particular lifeworld. The commonplace according to which we are all thoroughly grounded in a particular, contingent lifeworld, so that all universality is irreducibly coloured by and embedded in that lifeworld, needs to be turned around. The authentic moment of discovery, the break through, occurs when a properly universal dimension explodes from within a particular context and becomes "for-itself," and is directly expereinced as universal. This universality-for-itself is not simply external to or above its particular context: it is inscribed within it. It perturbs and affects it from within so that the , so that the identity of the particular is split into its particular and its universal aspects. Surely Marx already pointed out how the true problem with homer was not to explain the roots of his epics in early Greek society, but to account for the fact that, although clearly roooted in their historical context, they were able to transcend their historical origin and speak to all epochs.
p. 196 - Benjamin, divine violence
p. 203 - 204: Che Guevara "Hay que endurecerse sin perder jamas la ternura." (One must endure-become hard, toughen oneself- without losing tenderness.)
p.211- Agatha Christie's suicide as murder (crime) story, staged instead of covered up 'instead of being concealed, a crime is created as a lure.'
p.217 - 'The threat today is not passivity, but pseudo-activity, the urge to be "active," to "participate," to mask the nothingness of what goes on.... academics participate in meaningless debates, and so sn. The truly difficult this ins to step back, to withdraw.'
mentioned Badiou's theses on contemporary art, last thesis on doing nothing than conrtibute to the visible of imperial/empire
Lenin wants both mistress or wife, lie to each other, to be alone, in solitude to learn, learn and learn!!
p.137 - on doing good and the rewards: 'in the course of Crusade King St. Louis, Yves le Breton reported how he once encountered an old woman who wandered down the street with a dish full of fire in her right hand and a bowl full of water in her left hand. Asked what she was doing, she answered that with the fire she would burn up Paradise until nothing remained of it, and with the water she would put out the fires of Hell until nothing remained of them,'Becuase I want no one to do good in order to receive the reward of Paradise, or fear of Hell; but solely out of love for God.' The only thing to add to this is: so why not erase God himself and just do good for the sake of it? No wonder that, today this properly Christian ethical stance survives mostly in
atheism.
p.143 - private reason, opposition between Kant and Rorty
'To put it in precise Kantain terms, when we reflect upon our ethnic roots, we engage in a private use of reason, constrained by contingent dogmatic presuppositions, that is, we act as "immature" individuals, not as free human beings who dwell in the dimension of universality of reason. The opposition between Kant and Richard Rorty with regard ti this distinction of public and private is rarely noted, but none the less crucial: they both sharply distinguish between the two domains, but in opposed ways. For Rorty, the great contemporary liberal... the private is the space of idiosyncrasies, where creativity and wild imagination rule and moral considerations are (almost) suspended, while the public is the space of social interaction, where we should obey the rules so that we do not hurt others... For Kant, however, the public space of 'world-civil-society' designates the paradox of the universal singularity, of a singular subject who, in a kind of short-circuit, by-passing the mediation of the particular, directly participates in the universal. This is what Kant, in the famous passage of his "What is Enlightenment?" means by "public" as opposed to "private." "Private" is not one's individual as opposed to communal ties, bu tthe very communal -institutional order of one's particulae identification; while "public" is the transnational universality of the exercise of one's reason.
p.152 - the rise of universality out of particular lifeworld:
'the key moment of any theoretical - and indeed ethical, political, and, as Badiou demonstrated, even aesthetic - struggle is the rise of universality out of particular lifeworld. The commonplace according to which we are all thoroughly grounded in a particular, contingent lifeworld, so that all universality is irreducibly coloured by and embedded in that lifeworld, needs to be turned around. The authentic moment of discovery, the break through, occurs when a properly universal dimension explodes from within a particular context and becomes "for-itself," and is directly expereinced as universal. This universality-for-itself is not simply external to or above its particular context: it is inscribed within it. It perturbs and affects it from within so that the , so that the identity of the particular is split into its particular and its universal aspects. Surely Marx already pointed out how the true problem with homer was not to explain the roots of his epics in early Greek society, but to account for the fact that, although clearly roooted in their historical context, they were able to transcend their historical origin and speak to all epochs.
p. 196 - Benjamin, divine violence
p. 203 - 204: Che Guevara "Hay que endurecerse sin perder jamas la ternura." (One must endure-become hard, toughen oneself- without losing tenderness.)
p.211- Agatha Christie's suicide as murder (crime) story, staged instead of covered up 'instead of being concealed, a crime is created as a lure.'
p.217 - 'The threat today is not passivity, but pseudo-activity, the urge to be "active," to "participate," to mask the nothingness of what goes on.... academics participate in meaningless debates, and so sn. The truly difficult this ins to step back, to withdraw.'
mentioned Badiou's theses on contemporary art, last thesis on doing nothing than conrtibute to the visible of imperial/empire
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